pre-trial detention rates—that is, the percentage of people who serve time while awaiting trial—have tripled nationwide since 1970. Still, as urban pre-trial detention rates have dropped precipitously, they’ve risen the most in the country’s rural counties with fewer than 250,000 residents. Between 1970 and 2013, rural pre-trial detention rates grew some 436 percent ... Since 1970, the rate of people from other jurisdictions serving time in rural jails has grown 888 percent.

The issue that galvanized the movement hasn’t subsided. So far in 2017, police have shot and killed 23 unarmed people, a higher rate than in 2016, when 48 unarmed people were killed all year. Both years, about one in three of those people has been black ... But activists say the movement’s efforts have entered a new phase — one more focused on policy than protest — prompted by the election of President Trump.

By some measures, South L.A. has seen marked improvements since the riots, including notably lower crime and, at least in some areas, more economic development. Churches, schools, markets and restaurants sit at many sites that were once scorched or vandalized, a testament to efforts to rebuild. But there is also a scattering of empty lots that dates back to the riots, a stubborn reminder that the repeated vows to “rebuild L.A.” were never fully realized.

the odds of non-Hispanic white youths using cocaine were 30 times higher than African Americans ... the findings of the study highlight the incongruity between drug use and incarceration rates along racial lines. According to estimated figures from the U.S. Department of Justice, of the males born in 2001, one in three African Americans and one in six Hispanics will be incarcerated at some point during their lifetimes. By contrast for Caucasians, that number is one in 17.

The McKinney-Vento Act is designed to help districts and county offices identify and remove barriers to education for homeless students ... In 2014-15, the most recent data available from the U.S. Department of Education, schools across the nation enrolled more than 1.3 million homeless students. California is home to 20 percent of those students and subsequently received the most McKinney-Vento funding last year — $7.5 million.

This near-absence of racial diversity means that racism is largely left out of Utah’s conversations about economic inequality. That leads to some conversations around inequality that would be unbearably fraught elsewhere. When the poor people are, by and large, the same race as the richer ones, people find it easier to talk about them ...  as folks who may have made some mistakes and started with some disadvantages, but also as folks who could be self-sufficient after a little help

Research shows that integration benefits all students. But the experience of Howard County...demonstrates that bringing students of different backgrounds together in the same schools isn't enough to ensure their success. Where educators have long spoken of the achievement gap — the differences in academic performance between white students and black, and affluent and poor — some are now focusing on the so-called opportunity gap.

CivicScape claims to not use race or ethnic data to make predictions, although it is aware of other indirect indicators of race that could bias its software. The software also filters out low-level drug crimes, which have been found to be heavily biased against African Americans. While this startup might be the first to publicly reveal the inner machinations of its algorithm and data practices, it’s not an assurance that predictive policing can be made fair and transparent across the board.

When a divisive social issue plays out in courts, legislatures, and communities, the process is normally messy, and filled with pain and struggle for the people involved—in this instance, schoolchildren. But the combination of the sharply conflicting Obama and Trump guidances, the Supreme Court’s refusal to review a case it had already agreed to hear, and the elimination of an important lower-court transgender win has escalated the confusion to an unusual degree.

The number of Americans who report having close friends or family members who are gay, lesbian, or transgender continues to grow. Seven in ten (70%) Americans now say they have a close friend or family member who identifies as gay or lesbian, compared to 58% in 2011. Democrats and independents are now only somewhat more likely to report having a close friend or family member who is gay than Republicans, a shift from six years earlier.